JAITO MORCHA, the name given to the Akali agitation for the restoration to his throne of Maharaja Ripudaman Singh of Nabha, a Sikh princely state in the Punjab. The Maharaja had strong pro-Akali sympathies and had overtly supported the Guru ka Bagh Morcha and donned a black turban as a mark of protest against the massacre of the reformists at Nankana Sahib. His contacts with the Indian nationalist leaders and involvement in popular causes had irked the British government. On 9 July 1923, he was forced to abdicate in favour of his minor son, Partap Singh.
Although the British officials pronounced his abdication to be voluntary, the Akalis and other nationalist sections condemned it as an act of highhandedness on the part of the government.Master Tara Singh denounced the measure as equivalent to Maharaja Duleep Singh`s removal from the throne of the Punjab. The committee set up to have the Maharaja of Nabha restored to the gaddi appointed 29 July 1923 to be observed in all the principal towns of the Punjab as a day of prayer in his behalf. On 2 August 1923, the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee sent a telegram to Lord Reading, the Viceroy of India, challenging the official version that the Maharaja had relinquished his gaddi voluntarily, and seeking an independent enquiry to be instituted.
Three days later, it passed a resolution asking its executive committee to carry on a peaceful campaign to have Maharaja Ripudaman Singh reinstalled on the throne of Nabha.A Nabha government ordinance prohibiting public discussion of the issue was defied by the Sikhs, who began convening meetings to condemn the deposition of the Maharaja. On 25 August, a divan was held at jaito, in Nabha territory, following a public march and resolutions were adopted expressing sympathy with the Maharaja and condemning government action. On 27 August, Nabha state authorities arrested the organizers of the divan on charges of delivering “political speeches.
“The divan was originally scheduled to conclude on 27 August, but the arrests made by police provoked the Akalis to continue it indefinitely and to inaugurate a series of akhand paths or unbroken recitations of the Guru Granth Sahib.The police made more arrests and introduced at an akhand path on 14 September 1923, their own reader, Atma Singh, displacing the granihi sitting in attendance and reading the holy text. The sacrilege thus committed created a great commotion among the Sikhs. On 29 September the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee condemned the official action.
It simultaneously declared its determination to have the Sikhs` right to free worship reaffirmed, The government denied that the akhand path had been interrupted. Yet the Jathas kept pouring in. The Secretary of State directed the Viceroy “to put an effective stop to the Akali operation by the arrest and prosecution of all the organizers as abettors.”The Punjab Government acting on the directive declared both the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee and the Shiromani Akali Dal as unlawful associations.
All the 60 members of the interim committee of the Shiromani Committee were arrested on charges of treason against the King Emperor. Akali jathas were stopped on entering Nabha territory, taken into custody and beaten by police. They were then left off in distant deserts without food or water. To intensify the agitation, the Akalis increased the size of the jathas. On 9 February 1924, 500 Akalis marched from the Akal Takht, receiving unprecedented welcome in villages and towns through which they passed.
S. Zimand, a New York Times correspondent who witnessed the jalhd on the march, observed: “The Jatha was moving in perfect order and nonviolence with large crowds of public on its right and left, five Nishan Sahibs in the front and Guru Granth in the middle.” On 20 February 1924, the jalhd reached Bargari, a village on Nabha Faridkot border, barely 10 km from Jaito. AtJaito, about 150 metres from Gurdwara Tibbi Sahib, stood the Nabha administrator, Wilson Johnston, with a large force of state constabulary. On 21 February, the jatha marched on towards the Gurdwara, refusing to stop or disperse as demanded by Wilson Johnston.The administrator ordered the army to open fire, In two volleys of fire lasting about five minutes, several fell dead.
The official estimate of the casualties was 19 dead and 29 injured. The Akali figures were much higher. The firing on the peaceful Jatha of Akalis caused resentment throughout the country. On 28 February 1924, another 500strong Shahadat Jatha left Amritsar for Jaito where it was taken into custody on 14 March. Thirteen more 500strong jathas reached Jaito and courted arrest.
Sikh jathas also came from Canada, Hong Kong and Shanghai to join the campaign.The Governor of the Punjab, Sir Malcolm Hailey, tried the policy of creating a schism in the community by having parallel Sikh Sudhar Committees representing moderate and pro-government sections. A 101strong jatha was allowed to perform an akhandpath at Jaito. But this did not conciliate the general Sikh opinion, nor did it affect the tempo of the agitation.
On the issue of the Akalls being allowed to perform an akhand path at Jaito, the government was prepared to start negotiations through Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya and Bhai Jodh Singh, but it was adamant on the question of making restitution to the deposed Maharaja of his state.In the meantime, the Punjab Government introduced in the Legislative Council the Sikh Gurdwaras Bill which was unanimously passed on 7 July 1925. After the bill was passed, Sir Malcolm Hailey, Governor of the Punjab, announced during his speech in the Punjab Legislative Council that the Administrator of Nabha would permit the bands of pilgrims to proceed for religious worship to Gurdwara Gangsar at Jaito. The announcement was followed by the release of most of the Akali prisoners arrested in the course of the restrictions on the performance of akhand path and the Akalis starting a series of 101 such recitations which was concluded on 6 August 1925.
References :
1. Ganda Singli, Some Confidential Papers of the AknU Movement. Aini-itsar, 1965
2. Mohinder Singli, The Akali Movement. Delhi, 1978
3. Salmi, Ruchi Ram, Struggle for Reform in Sik/i Shrines. Ed. Ganda Singli. Ami-itsar, n.d.
4. Hai-bans Singli, The Heritage of the Sikhs. Delhi, 1983
5. Pratap Singh, Giani, Gwdwdrfi Sudhar nrtliat Akali l.nhir. Amritsar, 1975
6. Josli, Sohan Singh, Akali Morchian da itihas. Delhi. 1972
7. Ashok, Shamsher Singh, Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee da Punjab Said Itihas. Amritsar, 1982
The Jaito Morcha is remembered as a pivotal, though complex, chapter in the tapestry of Sikh political and social activism—a struggle not solely about a physical seat of power but about reclaiming dignity, cultural integrity, and political legitimacy. At its core, the conflict was emblematic of the broader challenge faced by the Sikh community after the decline of the traditional Sikh Empire—a quest to rediscover and redefine rightful leadership in an era increasingly dominated by colonial structures and modernizing influences.
Historical and Political Backdrop
After the fall of the Sikh Empire and the subsequent British annexation of Punjab, the void left by a deposed sovereign was not just administrative but also deeply symbolic. The Maharaja’s Throne had, for centuries, represented not only political hegemony but also the spiritual and cultural ethos of Sikh sovereignty. In this context, the Jaito Morcha emerged as a flashpoint—a rallying cry for those who believed that leadership should resonate with the aspirations of a people steeped in a proud martial and spiritual tradition, rather than be dictated by colonial prescriptions or outdated custodial hierarchies.
The Contest for Legitimacy
In the wake of political dislocation, competing visions arose. On one side were those tied to the old order, often leaning on traditional networks and a reverence for the past glories of the Sikh maharajas. On the other side were reformers and modernists who argued that the community needed leadership responsive to contemporary needs—leaders who could navigate the complex realities of British-ruled India while rekindling the indigenous spirit of self-determination. The Jaito Morcha, therefore, was less a single event than a broader mobilization—a series of protests and debates that questioned who was truly fit to represent the ideals of Sikh sovereignty and cultural reclamation.
This contest was as much about symbolic narratives as it was about concrete political power. The very idea of “fighting for the Maharaja’s Throne” became a metaphor. It signified the struggle to reclaim authority from colonial interference and from internal forces seen as out of touch with the people’s modern aspirations. The participating factions sought to dissolve the shadows of nepotism, outdated tradition, and external control, demanding instead a leadership that was both representative and reform-oriented.
The Dynamics of Mobilization
In Jaito, mass mobilizations and impassioned public debates underscored the event’s transformative impact. Leaders, sometimes drawn from the same circles that later played prominent roles in the Gurdwara Reform and broader nationalist movements, used the struggle as a platform to articulate a new social contract. They emphasized accountability, transparency, and an alignment of authority with the evolving social realities of the time. These activists believed that reclaiming control over leadership was key to restoring the community’s self-respect and its ability to assert its rights—both in the religious sphere and in the broader political arena.
The demonstrations and organized actions taken during the Morcha not only shook the established order but also invigorated the collective memory of a people once united under a sovereign banner. Even as the details of leadership succession might have sparked intense debate within the community, the underlying message was unequivocal: the future of Sikh identity depended on rooting leadership in the community’s lived experiences and aspirations rather than on vestiges of a bygone era.
Legacy and Contemporary Resonance
While the immediate political outcomes of the Jaito Morcha might be subject to divergent interpretations, its legacy is enduring. The struggle contributed significantly to a reevaluation of what leadership and authority should mean in a post-colonial context. It emphasized that the symbols of power—such as the Maharaja’s Throne—were not merely relics of imperial grandeur but living emblems of a community’s right to self-govern and self-define.
For today’s Sikh society, and indeed for many communities grappling with the remnants of colonial legacy, the Jaito Morcha offers valuable lessons in the power of grassroots mobilization. It reminds us that the quest for rightful leadership is as much about honoring historical identity as it is about forging a path toward modern self-rule. Contemporary debates—even those on issues like religious reform, cultural preservation, and political representation—often echo the themes first passionately articulated during this period of strife.
